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    ‘Meralcospeak’ 101

    This column’s topic for today might as well be entitled “Meralcospeak 101.”

    Meralcospeak is that strange, dynamic language the biggest electricity-distribution utility in the country has been using to justify the power-rate increases that it has been imposing on its 4.2 million customers in its megafranchise area since 2000.

    Any ordinary Meralco consumer knows what I mean by “Meralcospeak.” It is any of Meralco’s long-winded explanations on why it has to yet again raise its rates or why you shouldn’t entertain the preposterous idea that it is out to bleed you dry.

    Such explanations, which are usually widely publicized, are invariably packed with terms and phrases that are Greek to you. Yet Meralco smugly presumes you will readily understand what it means exactly unless, of course, you are a hopeless ignoramus.

    Just take a closer look at any of your Meralco household bill, under “billing summary,” and you will find some of those strange terms and phrases. The items under the summary are supposedly the components of the total monthly payment that you must make (otherwise you’ll be mercilessly cut off from civilization).

    But rather than go into the exasperating exercise of trying to make heads or tails of what each item means, you toss the bill aside and grudgingly admit to yourself that you actually have no choice but pay. Your only consolation is that everybody else feels as badly as you do, but coughs up whatever amount is demanded anyway.

    It’s a rotten feeling. For example, you don’t know what in heaven’s name “universal charges” (which include “stranded debts” and “stranded contract costs”) means. And you can’t understand why the metering charge (under distribution costs) fluctuates with your electricity usage. Yet you pay anyway, with a grudging shrug of your overburdened shoulders.

    Meralcospeak might as well be foreign because it is as strange to the ordinary electricity consumer as Portuguese or Nepalese. It is invariably packed with terms and phrases that—I suspect—are intended more to obfuscate rather than to enlighten a helpless, captive market.

    Like the English language itself, Meralcospeak is as dynamic, if not more so. It is ever-expanding, it seems, the way Meralco’s repertoire of rate-hike increases seems to be endlessly expanding.

    Perhaps the beginnings of Meralcospeak can be traced to the Electric Power Industry Reform Act of 2001 (Republic Act 9136) itself. Section 4, entitled “Definition of Terms,” is actually a glossary of 56 new-fangled terms and phrases, many of which could give an English major nightmares and even electric engineers insomnia.

    The acronyms being used in Meralco’s lingo are also so numerous, they could cross any customer’s eyes.

    To ordinary electricity consumers, the definition of some of the terms seems to have been deliberately designed to favor Meralco. Consider only a few of those terms, for example:

    §          Consumer service charge: “Refers to the component in the retail trade intended for the cost recovery of customer-related services, including, but not limited to, meter reading, billing and collection.”

    The definition is so broad, it could also cover expenses for the purchase of a company jet or yacht for executives of a distribution firm, or, for that matter, “representation expenses” in the form of gambling losses and the cost of first-class international junkets.

    §          Distribution wheeling charge: “Refers to any electric cooperative, private corporation, government-owned utility or existing local government unit which has an exclusive franchise to operate a distribution system in accordance with this Act.”

    §          Universal charge: “Refers to the charge, if any, imposed for the recovery of the stranded cost and other purposes pursuant to Section 34 [provision on Universal Charge as determined by the Energy Regulatory Commission].”

    Another term that used to be Meralco’s favorite was purchase power adjustment, or PPA. This term was discarded after Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile exposed the Lopez family in connection with some P918 million that Meralco paid to the Lopez-owned First Gas Power in 2001 for the electricity the latter couldn’t have possibly delivered because it was not yet operational at the time.

    The new term being used by Meralco for adjustments in generation charges is Automatic Generation Rate Adjustment, or Agra. There is a related term, which is used alternately by both the Meralco and the ERC—Generation Rate Adjustment Mechanism, or GRAM.

    At the bottom of this page is the letter of Mr. Elpi Cuna, Meralco vice president for corporate communication and director who tries to explain why Meralco continues to buy the bulk of Meralco’s power requirements from the Lopez-owned First Gas Power Corp., without disputing my point that the main beneficiary of the Epira is the Lopez family.  

    Omerta_bdc@yahoo.com

    **** 

    Why Meralco has IPPs 

    Mr. Butch del Castillo, 

    This refers to your column entitled “Epira—a boon to the Lopez Group” which was published on September 12.

    You mentioned a number of issues that concern Meralco, which we would like to clarify in this letter. Your main argument against Meralco revolved around what you called sweetheart deals between Meralco and some independent power producers (IPP).

    Allow me, then, to clarify why Meralco has IPPs and why it has to buy from them.

    You will recall that Meralco had generating plants that the martial-law regime, sometime in the 1970s, transferred to the National Power Corp. (Napocor) by force of Presidential Decree 40. Later, in the early 1990s, the country suffered a serious deficit in generation capacity.

    Since Napocor could not deliver the amount of power that would fill the demand, the private sector was asked by the government to help build the needed capacity.

    Accordingly, we entered into power-generation contracts with baseload power developers. The contracts were based on the economic and load/demand growth projections made by the government through the Neda (National Economic and Development Authority) and Napocor itself.

    The IPP power-supply contracts have the same off-take provisions as in the Napocor-Meralco contract and were signed after consultation with Napocor.

    Furthermore, all of these IPP contracts were duly approved by the government, through the then Energy Regulatory Board, after due notice and hearing.

    Moreover, with respect to the First Gas plants, it was the government that urged Meralco to source power from plants using indigenous natural gas, which the gas sellers did not want to develop without long-term off-take contracts for power.

    Incidentally, some 60 percent of the beneficial interest from the gas off-take agreements accrue to the government. You then went on to say, “These sweetheart deals are the reason Meralco consumers have had to put up with ever-rising rates.”

    As to the rates, it is imprudent to compare IPP rates with Napocor rates without first dissecting the different costs involved in the production of electricity. It is a known fact, as we have explained time and again, that Meralcos contracts with the IPPs (typical to most IPP contracts, including those of the Napocor) have both fixed and variable cost components.

    Sourcing power solely from the Napocor does not free Meralco from paying the fixed costs attendant to the said contracts. That is the reason why Meralco has pushed for the dispatch of the IPPs at no less than contract levels or the minimum energy quantity.

    I need not emphasize that a lower generation cost is achieved if the fixed cost is spread over a greater number of kilowatt-hours, thus resulting to lower rates for consumers. Cost minimization is attained by displacing the higher variable cost of one supplier with the lower variable cost of another supplier.

    For the record, we did not decide on these IPP contracts unilaterally. We were asked by no less than the government, Napocor included, to come up with the needed power because the government and Napocor did not have the resources, and investors preferred to work with the private sector in setting up the plants.

    Maybe you will be better enlightened, too, if you would only look at Meralco’s web site and compare the IPP rates with those of the Napocor and the Wholesale Electricity Spot Market (Wesm).

    Contrary to your allegation, you would see in the generation-charge breakdown that all the IPPs had lower generation charges compared with either the Napocor or the Wesm. How, then, could you state that Meralco’s purchases from the IPPs are the reason Meralco consumers have had to put up with ever-rising power rates, when these very purchases from the IPPs had been responsible for bringing the average generation cost lower?

    You would clearly see from the figures there that had Meralco sourced its power requirements from Napocor and WESM alone, generation charge would have been higher.

    And if you were thinking that Meralco would not want the Epira to be amended, then, with due respect, you are by all means mistaken. Meralco has always been supportive of and compliant to laws and guidelines set by the government that seek to propel the power industry forward.

    We indeed welcome reforms, particularly in the Epira, that seek to correct whatever there may be in the power industry and those that aim to empower customers with choices by making the industry more competitive and market-driven.

    I hope that we have clearly answered the issues you raised in your column and we hope that you can publish this reply of ours in the spirit of transparency and fair play. Thank you.

     

    Elpi O. Cuna Jr.

    Vice president and director

    Meralco, Corporate Communication

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