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    Editorials:

    Illustration by Jimbo Albano

     
    Our ‘Injuns’ don’t drink

     

    AMONG the many, though identical, foreign inputs into the GRP-MILF peace talks—all consistently at the expense of Philippine territory—the most intriguing was the proposal to use the GUS-American Indian Treaties as a template.

                    We wondered what those were. We knew that “GUS” stood for Government of the United States and that the Indians wore feathers, but that was all. Indeed, the only ones with any inkling were those who took their constitutional law in the US. The American Indian treaties are discussed in the first chapter of every constitutional law book; the chapter never read and always skipped except by law students with an eye to gambling law practice. And so we prayed for enlightenment on that score.

    And, lo and behold, out of the blue, so to speak, we were shafted by light, and from a scholarly priest no less. San Beda Law dean Fr. Ranhilio Callangan Aquino wrote in his Pascalian column, ‘Pensées:’

    “How the US government has dealt with the Native Americans [oh, so that’s what they’re called now, used to be Redskins, interjections ours], the Indians, is also instructive,” Father Ranhillo writes. “Indian tribes [nations, really] are not [the usual run of white] states [in the Union]; they have a status higher than that of states, and the reason is not difficult to fathom. The tribes roamed the vast expanse of the North American (sic) long before the sails of the Spanish galleons came into sight [Mayflower boats, actually; the galleons plied the Carribbean and Indians south of the Rio Grande—unlike those north of it—they were not targeted for extinction, just Catholic conversion and indentured labor as subjects, never slaves, under the “special protection” of the Spanish universal monarchy.]

    “In fact, for some time, the US government entered into treaties with Indian tribes [starting with turkeys for trinkets, but swiftly progressing to land all the way up to Canada, down to the Rio Grande and west to the Pacific Ocean—talk about a roaming people—for nothing but US Cavalry sabers and bullets all the way up to Canada, down to the Rio Grande and West to the Pacific Ocean] until the US Congress made the tribes amenable to federal legislation [but only after herding them into reservations on the worst land on a continent all of which was by historic title the Indians’ ancestral domain]. And while the general position of American law is that fee [title, not lagay] to land in the United States, Indian or not, has been vested in the United States from the time government was formed, Indian title as against the United States is a title [good luck to Sitting Bull’s descendants enforcing that against the first modern military power in history] and right of perpetual occupancy of the land with the privilege of using it in such mode as the Indians see fit [but only through whiskey fumes] until such right of occupation is surrendered to the government. [Oh, okay, it is a title until the Indians surrender it. The reason is to establish a chain of titles from the Native Americans straight on to the US, a chain that would otherwise be broken by the prior, legal and historic Spanish, French and British possessions of North America by right of conquest].

    “Other jurisdictions then have dealt with and recognized ancestral domains. Always, the underlying motive for such recognition has been plain justice [genocide].”

    So far, so good; we have here, from foreign observers to the peace process familiar with the American Indian treaties, the patronizing suggestion that we treat our Muslim brothers and sisters the way the United States treated “Injuns.” Unfortunately, as Americans in space would say, “Houston, we have a problem.”

    The problem is that our “Injuns” do not drink alcohol in any, let alone in stupefying, quantities as the American Indians were encouraged to do by the United States until all they could do with their so-called ancestral domains—really, the worst lands on the North American continent—was sign them away to white men in the casino business.

    Indeed, our local “Injuns” have been so obdurate in their opposition to alcohol consumption that they wouldn’t relent even out of camaraderie with their equally oppressed Christian and fellow brown Filipinos, with whom they united to drive out the Spaniards and then to resist US aggression.

    The other problem is that when the United States finally entered into the final version of the American Indian treaties, it was only after a long process of extermination, not negotiation.

    First, white settlers with rifles took over Indian ancestral domains—the richest corn-growing and grazing lands—until the Indians were forced out into the Great Plains where the buffalo roamed, for a while, anyway.

    Second, the US Cavalry cleared them out of there to clear the way for the wagon trains en route to winning the West. Any Indians still in the way were fed dead to the vultures.

     Having marginalized the Indians all over the continent, they proceeded to launch extermination raids on their scattered settlements. Finally, the survivors were told to march north in the direction of Washington, D.C., to pay a call on the Great White Father—and he was not Santa Claus; he was a drunk, though a fine writer.

    The remnants of the Indian tribes never reached their destination because (1) winter killed off a lot of them—animal skins stiff as boards don’t insulate well—and (2) the United States had found lands no one wanted or would ever want because there was nothing and could be nothing there. The Indians were herded into these areas and left there with cases of rotgut whiskey; the first US foreign aid, when you think of it. Then, and only then, when the few extant Indians were either supine or staggering on lonely roads or laughed at in backstreets of Western towns, did the US enter into the great and exalting Indian treaties that gave them an autonomy superior to any enjoyed by the states of the Union, because they were too few and and demoralized to exercise that autonomy at all.

    White Australians did the same thing for the Aborigines, though a streak of missionary zeal introduced the refinement of not just killing them off or breeding them out—as the English tried to do with the Scots—but abducting their children from their native environment so as to cut them off from those Songlines that linked them to the past, when white do-gooders were not yet around to do them harm.

    Today, the Australian government has recognized the ancestral domains of the Aborigines in the barren outback, provided, they do not conflict with the state’s “radical” right to take them back. The New Zealand government was more forthright. Since the Maoris were fiercer than even the American Indians, the British fought them to their deaths and established ownership by right of conquest.

    En summa total, countries that kill off entire races should refrain from suggesting anything about how to resolve intranational conflicts, because we may get the wrong idea. Although Christians far outnumber Muslims even in Mindanao, neither one nor the other has thought of killing the other off entirely—except for the MILF, which just gave us an idea of how a Bangsamoro juridical entity will treat Christians inside it. Filipinos, Muslim and Christian, never tried to finish off the other as they were both too engrossed—as UP professor Melvin Magallona keeps trying to point out—resisting the Spaniards, and then the very same US cavalry units and commanders that exterminated the Native Americans.

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