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‘It’s
just a piece of paper. There’s nothing to worry about,”
replied Fr. Joaquin Bernas when asked by the Philippine
Daily Inquirer about the memorandum of agreement (MOA)
between the Arroyo administration and the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front (MILF).
“Any
change in the ARMM [Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao] or territory has to go through Congress and a
plebiscite. There is nothing to implement. They cannot
move without Congress,” he explained.
Father
Bernas would be correct, if the MILF were to allow
itself to be governed by the Constitution. But it does
not and will not.
As far
as the MILF is concerned, the MOA, once signed, is a
“done deal,” meaning implementation of the accord must
start immediately.
Below
are excerpts from a report by Luwaran, the web site of
the MILF of an interview dated January 7, 2007, with
Muhammad Ameen, chairman of the MILF Central Committee
Secretariat. It states unequivocally what the MILF
position is on the Constitution and the peace accord.
“The
government can undertake all constitutional processes it
wants, provided that they do not derogate what the
parties have jointly ‘crafted, agreed and signed’ in the
negotiations with third-party facilitations,” said Ameen.
He
stressed that what the MILF cannot agree to is that it
takes part in those constitutional processes, citing six
reasons for it:
“1. All
negotiations to resolve sovereignty-based conflicts all
over the world such as those in Kosovo, Ireland,
Bougainville, Aceh, Sudan, Western Sahara and many
others are extra-constitutional in character. The one
with the MILF is not an exception;
“2. The
MILF is a revolutionary organization, or in plain words,
a rebel, which necessarily does not recognize the
Philippine Constitution; otherwise, to do so would be
tantamount to agreeing to become and considered
‘criminals’;
“3. The
Philippine Constitution represents the interests of the
majority, who are Christians, shortchanging or
undermining that of the Moros and other indigenous
tribes. The Constitution always favors the greatest
majority, because they were the framers, interpreters
and implementers;
“4. To
allow itself to be bound by constitutional process,
aside from the forgoing reasons, the MILF virtually
allows itself at the tyranny of the Philippine
government in matter of interpretation and
implementation of any peace deal;
“5. The
MILF will not and will never repeat the blunders
committed by the MNLF [Moro National Liberation Front]
and Chairman Nur Misuari of negotiating within the
framework of the Philippine Constitution. After more
than ten years since the signing of the GRP-MNLF Final
Agreement in 1996, the MNLF and Nur Misuari are back to
square one as far as the genuine resolution of the Moro
problem is concerned. Instead of giving genuine
self-governance to the Bangsamoro people, they are being
integrated into the national body politic, reminiscent
of the government approach in the ’50s and ’60s; and
“6.
Today, there are enough models of resolving
sovereignty-based conflicts which the government and the
MILF can study and possibly adopt any of the appropriate
model to the satisfaction of the parties and other
stakeholders. The international community must play an
active role in this undertaking.”
It’s
obvious that the MOA is more than just a piece of paper
that provides a “psychological boost” for the
secessionist group. There is no turning back once the
Arroyo administration signs the pact.
If the
current government or any of its successors do not
implement the accord “in the guise of following the
Constitution,” the MILF will raise hell.
Ameen
told Luwaran, “This is plain lokohan [foolishness] and
the MILF cannot allow this to happen.”
The MILF
will make war if it does not get the MOA it wants. This
is obvious from the veiled threat published August 6,
2008, in the MILF’s Luwaran:
“The
MILF has told the government of the Republic of the
Philippines that its options to solve the Moro problem
are reduced to only two: choose Vice Governor Emmanuel
Piñol and his company, who are pushing for war, or to
continue the path of peace with the MILF.”
The MILF
can count on the support of Malaysia in case hostilities
break out over the MOA. Malaysian mediator Othman Andul
Razak, talking to the Associated Press on May 2, 2008,
said, “If the government wants the talks to progress, it
can do it. It can think creatively. But if it wants to
stick to the constitution, things will not move.”
Othman
characterized the Philippine position on Constitution
processes as “harping on technical points.”
Malaysia
cannot be blamed for acting in its national interest.
The Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) controlled by the
MILF will serve as a buffer state between the rest of
the Philippines and Sabah.
The MILF
has denied it promised Sabah to the Malaysians in
exchange for support, but the May 7, 2008, statement of
Mohagher Iqbal, MILF chief negotiator, sounds equivocal.
“Never
for a single moment did we talk about [the Sabah claim].
With Malaysia as facilitator, it is only practical for
us not to bring that up or include Sabah in our proposed
homeland. We are silent on the issue. We never said it
belongs to the Bangsamoro people, just as we never said
it does not belong to us. It is a nonissue for us at
this point,” he said.
The MILF
and the Malaysians are acting in their best interests;
is the Arroyo administration acting in the best interest
of the nation?
Renewed
fighting in Mindanao seems inevitable at this point. Is
the MOA just a piece of paper, and there’s nothing to
worry about?
Buencamino is a fellow of Action for Economic Reforms (www.aer.ph). |