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There’s
no better way to judge a man, the old saying goes, than
by the caliber of his critics.
Just ask
Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who’s getting grief
even from the man who arguably paved his route to the
premiership.
The
drubbing Abe took recently from the Japanese electorate
is getting most of the headlines, of course. His Liberal
Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner had won
46 seats, well short of the 64 needed to keep their
majority, public broadcaster NHK reported.
The
thrashing was no surprise. What was unexpected was
hearing Abe’s political benefactor, Yoshiro Mori, appear
to give up on him. In a speech over the weekend, Mori,
70, suggested that Abe lacks experience and said future
LDP leaders will need to have proven themselves in
longer careers.
The
comments raised eyebrows around
Nagatacho,
Japan’s
equivalent of Washington’s Capitol Hill, for two
reasons. One, it indicates Abe’s support is dwindling
within the political faction—Mori’s—that championed his
rise. Two, when even a dud like Mori is criticizing you,
it’s time to quit and write your memoirs.
Mori led
the government from April 2000 to April 2001—hardly a
proud period in Japanese history. Aside from overseeing
an acceleration of Japan’s slide into deflation and
banking crises, he’s best remembered for myriad gaffes.
When, as
prime minister, Mori learned a US submarine had
accidentally rammed and sunk the Japanese fishing boat
Ehime Maru, killing nine students and teachers, he
famously continued his round of golf. He antagonized
half of Japan’s population by blaming overeducation of
women for the falling birthrate. He unnerved Asian
neighbors still smarting from World War II by calling
Japan a nation of gods with the Emperor at its center.
Abe’s
staying
When
someone with so undistinguished a tenure says Abe may
not be up to the task, that’s, well, saying something.
Yet Abe claims he’ll stay on, displaying a stubbornness
more associated with his ally, US President George W.
Bush. Abe should indeed step down; he’s even less
popular in Japan than Bush is in the US, according to
some recent polls.
Abe, 52,
says he needs more time to implement his reform program,
whatever that is. Investors would love to see Abe
accelerate the upgrades championed by his predecessor,
Junichiro Koizumi. Japan needs to deregulate industries,
increase productivity, adjust to a rapidly aging
population and learn to grow without the dual crutches
of ultra-low interest rates and a
debt-to-gross-domestic-product ratio that’s by far the
largest among developed nations.
Distractions
Trouble
is, Abe is focused elsewhere, like endeavoring to
rewrite Japan’s constitution and promote patriotism
among youngsters. That’s all well and good, yet Japan is
still battling deflation even though solid growth has
returned. It’s a reminder that Koizumi’s reforms remain
largely unimplemented and that Abe’s government has been
worrisomely complacent on the economy.
Voters
abandoned Abe amid anger over missing pension records
and scandals that led to the suicide of one minister and
the resignations of two others.
Yet,
Abe’s bigger failing is setting back Japan’s reform
process. After less than one year of Abe, Japan Inc. has
made a noticeable comeback. Things such as cross
shareholdings between companies and poison pills to
combat takeovers are more common now than at the end of
Koizumi’s tenure.
Koizumi
doesn’t deserve too much credit. He antagonized China
and South Korea with his visits to Yasukuni, a shrine
that critics say glorifies Japanese militarism. And his
economic plans were a broad blueprint meant for his
successor to implement. Abe has proven himself incapable
of doing that.
Losing
influence
If
investors are underwhelmed by Abe’s economic tutelage
thus far, just wait until the new political pecking
order takes hold. While Abe has been distracted, steady
growth gave him a window of opportunity to get under the
economy’s hood. Now, even if Abe rediscovers the
economy, he lacks the clout.
Hopes
that Japan would intensify efforts to improve corporate
governance, rein in its massive debt and tackle the
question of how to compete with an ascendant China and
an India that isn’t far behind just received another
setback.
None of
this means
Japan
is about to slide back into recession, nor is its
financial system about to collapse. The recovery is for
real, banks are stable and corporate profits are rolling
in.
Yet
there’s a reason the Nikkei 225 Stock Average and the
broader Topix index are roughly flat this year.
Investors won’t get really excited about the recovery
until consumers increase spending, making the revival
about more than just exports and business investment.
That had yet to happen.
Cart and
horse
Japan’s
policymaking apparatus remains stuck with a
cart-and-horse dilemma. Politicians seem to think the
roughly 2.5-percent growth Japan is enjoying will
eventually enliven household spending. Many investors
argue that policy changes are needed to boost
consumption.
And so,
expect more of the same from Japan, policy-wise:
negligible interest rates, a weak-yen policy and
halfhearted efforts to get control over public debt.
Don’t expect the kinds of bold steps Japan needs to
maintain its high standard of living in a region
increasingly dominated by low-cost upstarts.
Abe may
seem like the big loser following Sunday’s elections.
Japan’s consumers and investors may end up being the
real losers.
William
Pesek is a Bloomberg News columnist. The opinions
expressed are his own. |