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Investor
expectations in
Thailand
are pinned on an election that will probably occur
toward the end of 2007, after the country’s new
constitution—the 18th in 75 years—is ready.
A
democratically elected prime minister will try to make
up for the three years of economic progress and wealth
creation that have been lost to political shenanigans.
This
much is certain, but unimportant. The real issue isn’t
policy. It’s politics.
Will
Thailand, trying to make a success of yet another
attempt at democracy, be a reasonably safe emerging
market for at least five years? At this moment, the
answer is “no.”
The
reason for this pessimism is the decision last month by
a military-appointed court to dissolve deposed Prime
Minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s Thai Rak Thai party for
committing electoral fraud in an April 2006 snap poll,
which was boycotted by the opposition.
Some 111
party workers—including Thaksin—have been banned from
contesting elections until 2012.
Investors have reacted favorably to this decision as
though it brings some kind of closure to a protracted
episode of gross impropriety. The reality may be just
the opposite.
Dissolving a political party is easy; doing it without
suppressing the interests represented by that party is
tough.
And Thai
Rak Thai wasn’t exactly a minnow. The most successful
political party in Thai history, it enjoyed considerable
support in towns and villages across the country.
Hopeful
investors
Then,
there are those who may not care much about Thaksin’s—or
his party’s—fate but who would nonetheless want to see a
more stable political system, which isn’t possible
without a reliable constitution and rule of law.
This
group consists of unhappy local businessmen untouched by
the economic boom that’s benefiting most of
Asia. For them,
the big risk is that Thaksin’s supporters will scupper
whatever chances the new constitution and the government
have of succeeding.
It’s
easy to see why overseas fund managers want to look
beyond Thaksin and be hopeful: They want their payday.
Since early 2004, the SET Index, the country’s equity
benchmark, has returned 8.5 percent annually in US
dollar terms, or about double the gain from long-dated
US Treasuries.
And to
earn this additional 4 percent, all of which has come
through dividends and a perverse appreciation in the
Thai baht, investors have had to live through a long
nightmare.
The coup
The
flashpoint was reached in January 2006 when Thaksin’s
family sold its interest in Thai conglomerate Shin Corp.
to Singapore’s Temasek Holdings Pte and paid no tax on
the $1.9 billion transaction.
Amid
allegations of corruption and cronyism, Thaksin’s party
emerged victorious in an April 2006 election, which was
supposed to reestablish the government’s legitimacy but
was later annulled.
After
persistent street protests, the army overthrew Thaksin’s
caretaker government in September, two months before it
was to seek a fresh mandate from the people. Since then,
the deposed prime minister has lived in exile, mostly in
London, and last week agreed to pay 21.6 million pounds
($43 million) for the English soccer team Manchester
City.
The new
rulers have sought to limit foreign ownership of Thai
businesses through an ill-conceived plan. They have also
nationalized a television station controlled by Shin
Corp.
The
central bank, unable to manage a surge in the baht,
imposed capital controls in December last year and then,
facing a backlash from the markets, retracted most of
the measures.
All
about luck
Unless
this nation of 65 million people finds a leader who is
willing to accommodate dispossessed interest groups and
win their trust, the new constitution will meet the same
fate as the ones before it. Finding such a statesman is,
more than anything else, a matter of luck.
The need
for such a figure, however, is urgent.
The
Southeast Asian nation is in a state of disquiet. Three
people were killed and 42 injured in nine bomb attacks
that targeted New Year’s Eve revelers in Bangkok.
Insurgency in the Muslim-dominated south of the largely
Buddhist country continues unabated.
The Thai
intelligentsia has a good grasp of the risks associated
with the suppression of interest-group politics.
Prawase
Wasi, a medical doctor, recently floated the idea of a
forum where all political stakeholders can openly state
their vision for the new government. The plan is moving
forward. But will a private airing of differences be a
substitute for a real democratic contest where plans,
programs and personalities must fight for recognition at
polling stations?
Constitutional deficit
The Thai
election may end up solving nothing, until the spirit of
constitutionalism comes out of conference rooms and
auditoriums and permeates society.
It might
take decades, though without it even excellent economic
policies are meaningless and the best of institutions
inherently unstable.
Once the
elections are out of the way, Thailand may have no
immediate difficulty pursuing much more
“market-friendly” policies than, say, Indonesia. But
Indonesia, prone as it is to bungling its monetary
policy once in a while, has of late done a far better
job than Thailand in keeping the army in the barracks.
And for that reason alone, the “blow-up” risk from the
next constitutional crisis will be higher for Thailand.
The time
for betting on a longer-term reduction in Thai political
risks isn’t here yet.
Andy Mukherjee is a Bloomberg News columnist. The
opinions expressed are his own. |