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    Editorial:

    Reform vs political payback

    LAST week we criticized in no uncertain terms House Speaker Jose de Venecia Jr.’s call for another round of Charter-change initiatives as counterproductive and divisive.

    Apparently reeling from the brickbats thrown his way for resurrecting a highly unpopular issue, he has since called for a “total moratorium on Charter reform,” and is urging lawmakers to focus on legislation that would boost economic growth.

    We fully support the idea of Congress—and here we mean both the House of Representatives and the Senate—devoting “full energy to advancing the economic agenda.”

    We need reform legislation that will speed up market opening and enable the country to “catch Asia’s new wave of growth.”

    We agree with the Speaker that legislators should work to “raise our country’s competitiveness by lowering our costs of doing business and improving workers’ productivity,” and that they should build on “our core strengths in industry and the service sector by striving to become a hub of global business-process outsourcing, information technology and logistics.”

    And we are all behind government moves to develop alternative fuels and energy sources amid rising fossil-fuel prices in the world market.

    We believe, however, that part of the economic agenda should be curbing widespread corruption that takes away already scant resources from the war against poverty. The legislature cannot simply look the other way while grafters at all levels loot the treasury with impunity.

    While at this, there’s need to remind one and all, however, that any politically motivated “revamp,” or one meant to accommodate cronies or make paybacks, will simply not do and must be opposed at all costs. Nothing can be worse than having bad eggs in government as replacing those bad eggs with worse ones, or changing systems that aren’t broken or defective, with schemes that pave the way for shenanigans, all in the guise of “reform.” 

    That is why the media and civil society, or those who profess it’s their job to keep government honest, have the duty to always look beyond purported reasons for any change in the bureaucracy or practice, in order to ensure that vaunted reforms don’t end up making things worse for the people.

    We bring this up because of the much-publicized call of the President for the heads of all government-owned and –controlled corporations (GOCCs) to hand in their courtesy resignations. Now, no one argues that those state firms that have drained public coffers or imposed undue burdens on the people should be the first to be revamped, perhaps even abolished, or their top officers changed.

    Yet, here again, there’s a very real risk that the GOCC revamp is simply a way for the Executive to find means to pay back those who helped it in the last elections: such political criterion is the worst possible basis for choosing people who will run our GOCCs better, considering how easy it has been to use several of them as milking cows through several administrations.

    This administration is not exactly known for treating its best and the brightest with a modicum of respect. The list of those unceremoniously purged for the flimsiest of reasons, only to have them replaced by the worst possible misfits, keeps growing. It has hobbled efforts to attract good men and women into public service.

    Meanwhile, there should be earnest efforts to increase efficiency in government. President Arroyo has recently certified as urgent a bill seeking a 10-year extension of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program. CARP is supposed to end in 2008 after two decades of implementation, but the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) now wants to extend the program to give it enough time to fully cover the remaining two million hectares intended for two million farm workers.

    DAR’s failure to complete CARP in nearly 20 years raises serious questions as to its capability to implement a supposedly “centerpiece reform program.” So far, since CARP started in 1988, DAR has managed to distribute only seven million out of nine million hectares of land to four million farmers.

    Now it wants 10 more years to award titles to two million farm workers and give them vital support services, such as farm-to-market roads, postharvest facilities and the like.

    Given this, one can’t help but doubt if DAR, as it is presently constituted—with a bloated bureaucracy filled with political appointees accumulated over the years, and spending precious resources, including billions in recovered Marcos ill-gotten wealth, with but modest achievements over the years—is the right vehicle to emancipate the Filipino farmers from poverty.

    Giving DAR 10 more years so that its underperforming bureaucrats can go on with business as usual is like rewarding incompetence and inefficiency. Beyond its general outline of accomplishments, perhaps DAR should first give the public a full accounting of how it has spent taxpayers’ money in the past 19 years before it begins to ask for more funds for the erratic implementation of a vital social justice program.

    To be fair, those who champion agrarian reform say the national government should see the program through to its logical and just conclusion—indeed, but a deeper scrutiny is called for to make sure that this time around, the time and massive resources devoted are justified by clear, solid achievements. 

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