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PHILIPPINE Independence Day has come and gone, and it
was as if we never had one.
No less
than the country’s chief magistrate, Reynato Puno, said
that we still don’t have real independence more than a
hundred years since our leaders proclaimed it in Kawit,
Cavite. A country that continues to suffer hunger, fear and
ignorance, he said, could never be free.
Many
among us assail the lack of nationalism among Filipinos
as the reason why we can’t seem to free many from want
and misery. And yet, there’s a different way of viewing
this matter.
We do
believe we have had many “nationalistic” policies,
except that they were not inclusive. Many were of a
perverted type manifested in higher tariff walls for
infant industries that never matured, of monopolies that
penalized consumers and the poor through high-priced and
shoddy products, fiscal incentives for “pioneer
industries” that subsidized expensive machines so
factory owners could hire only a few workers, and
grandiose programs like the “11 major industrial
projects” that ended up as milking cows for the conjugal
dictatorship and its cronies. For several decades under
Marcos, we had that kind of exclusive nationalism that
really traumatized the poorer segments of society.
In those
days, not many could afford a TV set, even just
black-and-white, because, shielded from foreign
competition, our domestic industry was charging monopoly
prices. An air conditioner then was a status symbol
because the ones who could afford them should really
have lots of cash.
Naturally, the economy was in shambles so the poor
didn’t really have the chance to earn enough for these
amenities. And because of high tariff walls, smuggled
goods, including apples and oranges, occasionally
trickled in. The people who patronized them were
despised for their “colonial mentality.”
Culturally, “nationalism” then surfaced as simple
hostility to foreign direct investments and
multinationals, and utter disdain for entrepreneurship.
Foreign direct investments and MNCs then were “big
business controlling the commanding heights of the
Philippine economy.”
Entrepreneurs were considered “capitalists in primitive
accumulation” who are out to exploit the working class.
Intellectuals—people from the academe who advice
politicians, policymakers and interest groups— kept on
telling us that we should be wary of the flows of
capital, goods and services across the borders because
some guy from Berlin named Andre Gunder Frank thought
these linkages would impoverish us even more while
making the rich world even richer.
And we
are told we should disdain English for being an elitist
language of the imperialists. Never mind that many of
these intellectuals themselves had fellowships from
Harvard, Stanford and Yale.
Those
were the days, of course, and no one but a few fanatics
in Utrecht believe these pernicious ideas anymore. When
the Philippine economy started reforming the country’s
tariff system, most of us Filipinos discovered that
under a liberalized trading environment, most of us
could actually afford TV sets, air conditioners and
refrigerators. In fact, they are actually cheaper than
the ubiquitous cellular phones! And the people have lots
of choices.
But the
ghosts of the exclusivist policies of the past continue
to haunt us until now. Not that our policymakers believe
in those policies; it’s because they remain a convenient
excuse to protect certain vested and oligopolistic
interests that continue to shackle the prospects of the
Philippine economy. And sometimes, we continue to
maintain them simply because we really haven’t realized
we are hurting ourselves and missing a lot of
opportunities to achieve broad-based economic growth.
For an
archipelagic country comprising more than 7,000 islands,
we need a robust and competitive shipping and ports
industry. But we hold on to our one-port, one-operator
policy that encourages oligopoly because of some
“cabotage law” that dates back to World War II.
We
refuse to open our skies even when we know that the
flood of tourists to our beaches, hotels, restaurants,
resorts and hospitals (for medical tourists) is one fast
way to create jobs. We refuse to open the country’s
telecommunications industry for greater foreign
participation despite the fact that we suffer from very
high call charges. And we are reluctant to put back the
prominence of the English language in our schools
despite the fact that the mongrelized Filipino being
imposed on an archipelago with diverse languages and
dialects doesn’t land young graduates jobs.
Yes, we
need nationalism and we need it more than ever. But we
need an inclusive kind of nationalism. And in this day
and age, that kind of nationalism should be a global one
that takes what the world could offer and not reject.
It’s a kind of nationalism that is open and enthusiastic
about foreign direct investments, technologies and
knowledge. It’s a kind of inclusive nationalism that
maximizes the gains of global engagements for the
broader segment of the population. And we could start by
reforming the old exclusivist policies while moving
fast-forward toward greater global economic engagements.
But is
there really such a “globalized nationalism?”
Christopher Hughes from the London School of Economics
says there is. He is talking about China. And we know
how China is opening itself to the world, collaborating
with all nations in science and technology, learning
from everybody, while, at the same time, investing in
its own people, in its universities, in research and
development, and in innovative technologies.
It is
constantly watching the world for new ideas, new things,
new processes and new opportunities and is calibrating
its domestic policies promptly. It is sending its young
to
America
and Europe in droves to master the sciences while
providing incentives to those who have “marinated” for
decades in the world’s centers of innovation to come
home and share their talents to the Chinese nation.
And yes,
the Chinese are learning the English language en masse
like crazy—in schools and stadiums!
But at
the end of the day, are the Chinese being seen as being
less nationalistic than their neighbors? Definitely not.
They simply seem to have stumbled on the realization
early enough that one does not need to fear venturing
into a globalized world. One can ride it, embrace it,
and come out stronger and more self-assured after having
drawn the best from such exposure.
Filipinos, now the third-largest labor-exporting country
in the world, have every opportunity to do the same
because having about a third of the labor force exposed
to the global economy is the best stimulus for a
strategic, deliberate engagement that’s meant to win for
them what the Chinese have known all this time.
If only
a stultified concept of “nationalism” didn’t get in the
way. |