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A CENTURY OF STRUGGLE
THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES
Sightings
Alice G. Guillermo
It is important to recognize that these combined efforts had
the effect of contributing significant changes in artistic production
in general. First, there was an expanding of venues beyond the
galleries which catered to the middle and upper classes, opening
up public spaces hospitable to political art in order to reach
the people. Then, too, there was the drive to use indigenous,
alternative or nonacademic materials to encourage creativity in
accessible and inexpensive materials and not rely on Western materials
exclusively. This included the production and use of handmade
paper, fabrics, discarded antique wood and other media. More democratic
visual media were also used—drawings, illustrations, editorial
cartoons, posters and prints, even Xerox art that could reach
a larger number of people. This led to a search for other expressive
forms and genres, eventually using mixed media, film, installations
alone or in combination, all these resulting in the breakdown
of traditional categories, such as two- and three-dimensional
forms. These experiments and innovations resulted in the renewal
of the visual arts as a whole.
Meanwhile, the intensifying
protests gave Marcos the pretext for declaring martial rule in
September 1972, following the imperialist line of “saving
the country from communism.” He began his dictatorship by
widespread arrests and imprisonments of professors, journalists,
writers and activists. He closed down all newspapers which were
later replaced by crony publications. He ravaged the countryside
by launching counterinsurgency operations backed by the United
States in training and logistics. Activists conducted clandestine
political activities underground or went to the countryside to
integrate with the people or pursue guerrilla warfare with a great
loss of life. In 1971 and 1972, teams of artists went to the countryside
to participate in the formation of a revolutionary people’s
culture. On the side of the government, the conjugal dictatorship
of Marcos and Imelda was firmed up, with Mrs. Marcos in charge
of big-budget cultural issues and the ideological underpinnings
of the Marcos regime. They constructed a state nationalism under
the slogan “Isang Bansa, Isang Diwa” (One Country,
One People) that strongly advocated national sentiment and unity
under authoritarian rule. Imelda also had recourse to the lofty
ideals of Goodness, Truth and Beauty to give a classical veneer
to a Third World society in social conflict. She engaged in high-profile
projects, such as the frenzied building of edifices or national
festivals that exploited the national minorities for their touristic
potential. She also encouraged religious activities such as the
Santo Niño cult with its extravagant processions. The image
of the Santo Niño of Cebu marked the formal occasion of
the Christianization of the Philippines with the conquistador
Legaspi bestowing it as a gift to the local rajah.
The year 1976 saw the
formation of the art group Kaisahan, consisting of young, dynamic
artists who took charge of the development of social realism in
aesthetic theory and practice. On one hand, they painted strong
basic messages against feudalism, imperialism and bureaucrat capitalism.
They took up issues such as militarization, human-rights violations
and media censorship, and expressed solidarity with a broad range
of people including workers, farmers and middle-class professionals
such as teachers, journalists, doctors, architects, progressive
priests and nuns, and the national bourgeoisie. The paintings
that were exhibited in hospitable Manila galleries only constituted
one level of their production, for they also joined cause-oriented
groups to collectively produce portable murals for rallies and
worked in popular forms such as illustrations, drawings, posters,
comics and editorial cartoons to convey protest and revolutionary
messages. The founding members were Pablo Baens Santos, Edgar
Fernandez, Papo de Asis, Antipas Delotavo, along with Jose Tence
Ruiz, Al Manrique, Neil Doloricon, together with the strong Bacolod
group of Nunelucio Alvarado and Charlie Co of Black Artists of
Asia. They disseminated a progressive art that was taken up by
other and younger artists and continued beyond the Marcos regime.
After 20 years of dictatorship,
poverty and American control of the country’s life, Marcos
was finally toppled down in 1986 by a powerful people’s
movement that gathered on Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, or simply
Edsa, and marched to Malacañang Palace on Mendiola Street.
This large demonstration known as the first People Power, which
rebelled against Marcos, had the participation of the military
shifting their allegiances, led by Gen. Fidel V. Ramos and Secretary
of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile, along with the clergy, led by Archbishop
Jaime Cardinal Sin. The immediate cause was the brazen assassination
of Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino at the tarmac of the
Manila International Airport upon his arrival from the United
States. Although this event marked the culmination of the people’s
struggle throughout the dictatorship, a crucial impulse came from
a faction of the old anti-Marcos elites that were marginalized
and excluded from the privileges of Marcos rule. Mrs. Aquino,
for instance, belonged to the family that owned the largest sugar
plantation and milling plant in Luzon, the Hacienda Luisita, the
now bitterly contested property enjoying military protection.
The elites saw in Mrs. Aquino the opportunity to regain their
preeminent status and the economic privileges they had lost for
almost two decades.
The launching of Mrs.
Aquino’s presidency was accompanied by the construction
of legitimations for her occupying the highest post, considering
that she had long played the role of devoted and pious housewife.
The solution was again found in religion, particularly in the
biblical section of the Magnificat when Mary unconditionally accepts
her role as mother of God: “Behold the handmade of the Lord,
be it done unto me according to Thy Will,” implying the
will of God in her privileged role. This was followed by the lines
in which He is lauded for raising the humble and weak and bringing
down the powerful kings of the earth. Artists were commissioned
to visualize the Magnificat imagery and so produced paintings
of the Pietà, the Annunciation and Mother Mary as healer
of the wounded. The Cory Aquino team sought to effect a conflation
in the public mind of Cory Aquino and the Virgin Mary.
When Mrs. Aquino came
into power, her government was regarded with great expectations
by different classes and sectors in society, Her initial years
included the discursive elements of a “rainbow coalition”
and the opening of a “democratic space” with the release
of several top political prisoners. American ideologists created
for her the doctrine of the Third Force which shunned both the
military known for its abuses during Marcos rule and the NPA guerrillas
in the countryside pushing not just for an anti-Marcos solution
but for structural change. But this was an unstable situation,
and political observers soon noted an increasing rightward drift
in the constitution of her Cabinet. It did not take long before
she declared “total war” in the countryside and wholeheartedly
supported the right-wing millenarian sects or vigilante groups
funded by the CIA in Mindanao, to the point of awarding the most
notorious military official with a medal. The Philippine countryside
became the ideal ground for “low-intensity conflict,”
which was the US-sponsored “dirty war” at the grassroots
level. The image that haunted the last years of her presidency
was the figure of a vigilante with a sword proudly displaying
a severed head.
Fidel Ramos, a former
military general, replaced Cory Aquino at the helm of the government.
His presidency was marked by the program of globalization which
hurts national economies by openly exposing them to the predatory
strategies of the superpowers. A widespread commodification took
place in the areas of education, health, the professions such
as law and medicine, as well as natural wealth such as mines and
forests that fell prey to foreign interests.
Ramos was succeeded
by Joseph Estrada, a former actor who played heroic roles that
widely appealed to the masses. But occupying the Office of the
President, he arrogated to himself kingly privileges and dispensed
favors to his mistresses lavishly, causing much offense. He was
accused of corruption, deceit, profligacy and was subsequently
impeached for these offenses.
The presidency fell
into the hands of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who was then occupying
the post of Vice President at the time. As in the case of the
much more popular Cory Aquino, religion was again invoked, this
time to boost her insecure footing, as she claims that she must
hold on to office in order to observe the will of God. Also purportedly
to follow divine edict, she has maintained close ties with Bush
restoring the privileges of the US military in the country who
are allowed to conduct joint military training with local soldiers
in the site of their choice. She regards this as her own contribution
to the US “war on terror.” In the face of increasing
protests, she recently declared a form of martial law that she
called “emergency rule,” with the effect of curtailing
civil liberties and muzzling the opposition, a throwback to the
Marcos dictatorship. It is to the credit of the Supreme Court
that it has declared this to be unconstitutional. Meanwhile, many
journalists and opposition leaders have been killed, but the President
has shown no interest and made no call for investigation. The
climate of suppression and fear has crept back, and we chafe under
this government, which recognizes only its narrow interests.
The struggle continues.
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