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Celebrity endorsement is a common marketing tool.
Popular or well-known personalities are often used to
“push” items, particularly those that are “new” in the
market. A good example are the latest “. . . tathione”
products, which, until recently, were relatively unknown
in the local market. But thanks to celebrity
endorsements and a strong marketing push, their
producers now seem to be selling profitably.
Endorsers, obviously, must be widely popular. They
should also be perceived by the public as credible and
sincere. And while they are usually effective, more so
if their marketing campaign is supported by trimedia and
outdoor advertising, one must have deep pockets to
afford them. The more popular the endorser, they are
likely to be more expensive, with endorsement contracts
usually running up to millions of pesos.
It
remains uncertain, however, whether such is the case of
at least three public officials now separately endorsing
various products through television and outdoor
advertising. They are widely popular, for sure, and
seemingly credible. Otherwise, they would not have been
all elected to the Senate. And one can suppose that
their “endorsement” carries much weight with consumers.
One male
senator, now on his second term, endorses a facial-care
service via print and outdoor advertising. His male
colleague, a neophyte at the Senate, endorses a health
supplement via television advertising, while their
female colleague, also a neophyte, endorses a laundry
product also via television advertising. And while their
endorsements are all seemingly aboveboard, and their
actions surely legal, one cannot help but be wary of
possible unintended effects.
Moreover, their endorsement contracts beg a question: if
a Senate investigation is in aid of legislation, are
their advertising contracts in aid of “reelection”? This
seems to be the only plausible explanation. For how else
can a public official, recently elected at that, justify
his or her decision to serve as a “celebrity” endorser
for a service or a product necessarily tainted more with
private profit rather than public interest?
Marketers often claim there are two kinds of products in
the market: good products, and products that need heavy
marketing. In the same token, perhaps there are two
kinds of public officials: those who are actually
working, and those who are perceived to be working. How,
then, do we classify those who actually go out of their
way to endorse a consumer product through advertising?
It seems
unbelievable that the three senators would have agreed
to separately endorse consumer products without
compensation or consideration. And, assuming contracts
were signed and money changed hands, it remains
uncertain whether senators can actually receive amounts
in their private capacity and beyond their legally
mandated government salaries and benefits. But assuming
that no payments were made, then it seems incredible
that the good senators would have agreed to endorse for
“free.” That seems to be more difficult to explain.
What if,
in the future, the endorsed product or its maker runs
into controversy and faces a Senate investigation? What
are the good senators to do then? Is it just a matter of
inhibiting themselves from the investigation? Will this
not deprive the electorate of their proper
representation in legislative work, simply because a
“private” matter between the senator and the product
maker runs conflict with his public duties?
Another
possible conflict issue is in the line of legislation.
What if the Senate receives a proposal for consideration
involving legislation or regulation of the endorsed
product or its maker? What are the good senators to do
in this case? Again, will inhibition suffice or even be
fair? Will this not short-change the public, the very
people who elected the senators into office and who are
actually paying their salaries? Either way, the senators
are at the losing end, for they will seemingly lose
their perceived objectivity the moment they take part in
deliberations. At the back of the public’s mind, they
will always be wary of how the senator will act on the
matter involving his endorsement benefactor.
Another
possible complication is that the endorsed product will
face regulatory investigation or sanction for one reason
or the other. Can the senator-endorser successfully
dissociate himself or herself from the issue? Can he or
she be expected to remain impartial and objective, and
not act, officially or unofficially, in any way that
will benefit his or her endorsement benefactor? Worse,
what if the product undergoes public or consumer rebuke?
How will this affect the senator’s credibility before
the public? Can they risk the adverse effects or
consequences of having publicly endorsed a lousy
product?
Testimonial evidence is one thing, and comprehensive
product testing another. It remains uncertain whether
the endorsed products actually carry the weight of
comprehensive scientific and medical scrutiny and
review. And yet, the good senators still went ahead and
endorsed them. A risky proposition, isn’t it? More so if
the endorsement was done without compensation or
consideration. Why will one do that? Why take that risk
for nothing?
The
final point is the future relationship between the
senators and their endorsement benefactors—who are
actually the endorsement beneficiaries as well,
particularly if the senators’ endorsement translate to
higher sales and more profit. Can one expect the
senators to use the weight and influence of their office
to benefit their benefactors either through legislation
or investigation? Also, can one expect these benefactors
to “support” the senators’ reelection bid either back to
the Senate or to Malacañang? Or, perhaps, the
“advertising opportunity” now is support enough already?
After all, while national elections are still two years
off, it is never too early to be “out in the market.”
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