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  • Most senators undecided on Jpepa vote
     
    By Butch Fernandez
    Reporter

    MAJORITY of the senators remain undecided on whether to vote for ratification or rejection of the controversial Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement (Jpepa) amid grave misgivings that the Jpepa suffers from serious legal infirmities and may later be declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.

    At least 16 senators are required, representing two-thirds vote, to ratify the accord; even just one vote short of that would spell its defeat. An informal head count on Monday showed that so far, only three senators—Edgardo Angara, Juan Ponce Enrile and Mar Roxas II—have signified their intention to vote in favor of ratification, while the rest—Senate President Manuel Villar, Senate President Pro Tempore Jinggoy Estrada, Majority Leader Francis Pangilinan, Loren Legarda, Francis Escudero,  Gregorio Honasan, Panfilo Lacson, Rodolfo Biazon, Ramon Revilla and Miguel Zubiri admitted having reservations. They remain undecided, preferring to wait for floor debates, which start next Monday, before making their decision. Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Pimentel Jr. and Sen. Pia Cayetano affirmed they would vote against the accord that has been denounced as heavily lopsided in favor of Japan. To cure its legal defects, Sen. Miriam Santiago, chairman of the lead foreign relations committee that conducted hearings on the pros and cons of the accord, filed on Monday a committee report endorsing conditional concurrence by the Senate in the Jpepa ratification which, she said, “requires compliance [by both parties in the accord] with at least 15 specified constitutional provisions.”

    She said the conditional concurrence she recommended would ensure the Jpepa’s compliance with constitutional provisions on public health, protection of Filipino enterprises, ownership of public lands and use of natural resources, ownership of inalienable public lands, ownership of private lands, reservation of certain areas of investment to Filipinos, and giving preference in the national economy and patrimony to Filipinos, regulation of foreign investments, operation of public utilities, preferential use of Filipino labor and materials, practice of professions, ownership of educational institutions, state regulation of transfer of technology, ownership of mass media, and ownership of advertising firms.

    Santiago said the condition imposed by the foreign relations committee also makes reservations for future exceptions to at least three Jpepa articles dealing with national treatment, most-favored nation (MFN) treatment, and prohibition of performance requirements.

    Should Japan refuse to accept the Senate’s conditional concurrence, Santiago warned that the Jpepa would be deemed “invalid and cannot take effect. They [Japan] have to accept that the Jpepa must conform with the Philippine Constitution.” She explained that if the Jpepa conditions are not accepted by the Japanese government, “then there is no treaty; it does not take effect.”

    “If we approve this Jpepa without conditions in its present state, the Supreme Court will declare it unconstitutional and the government would not be bound to implement it. In that event, international law comes into play and the Philippines could then be held liable for non-implementation of a treaty,” she said, adding, “but if the Japanese government refuses to sign a supplemental agreement, then we will not have a Jpepa. They are pretty hard, the 15 constitutional provisions need to be observed, but they were not explicitly listed on the Jpepa. And we cannot assume the Japanese will comply with the provisions of our Constitution because the Japanese are not bound by such presumption.”

    Under questioning by Enrile, Santiago admitted that “we really do not want this treaty” that was presented for Senate ratification. “We really do not like this treaty but if we do [reject] that, we will incur the ire of Japan, so we try and avoid a vote of nonconcurrence, or no approval; so we chose conditional concurrence. In effect, what we’re doing is amending the treaty which is not allowed by international law, but which was shown to have been done by other countries before.”

    Santiago also asserted that “the treaty suffers from serious infirmity because the two parties agreed to give each other national treatment. That is already a violation of the Philippine Constitution, which provides only for Filipino participation.”

    Another flaw, she added, is the MFN provision in the treaty. “The treaty really has gaps, but Japan acceded that we can make exemptions to the national treatment clause; but the Philippines failed to complete the listing, that is why we’re having problems on the general provisions of the treaty.”

    Santiago shrugged off warnings of dire economic consequences if the bilateral accord with Japan is not ratified. “What is going to happen? Japan is already our No. 1 trading partner even without the Jpepa. It cannot afford to exclude us because of certain benefits it will gain from the Jpepa,” she added. “I am convinced that the SC has no choice but to declare this treaty unconstitutional. Other provisions may remain valid except that they are the noncontroversial provisions but I am sure a petition to declare it unconstitutional will be filed in the Supreme Court.”   

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