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    Editorials:

    Illustration by Jimbo Albano

    The NFA is not a business

    From the get-go the National Food Authority (NFA) rolling stores and the Bigas sa Simbahan were designed as public-relations projects. They were meant to show a compassionate government extending a helping hand to destitute citizens by selling cheap rice either through its own stores on wheels or Catholic parishes. At least that was the initial concept. 

    Well, the PR gimmickry has evidently backfired on the same government that had sought to reap brownie points from such an obviously harebrained idea. Front-page photos and video clips throughout much of the week showed long lines of people—standing for hours, broiling under the tropical sun—forming at the rolling stores and churchyards. And when the allotted grains ran out, hotheads were readily available to deliver the usual antigovernment sound bites.

    Rather than assure the public of sufficient cereal stocks, those images—broadcast, not just nationwide, but also around the world—create the impression of severe shortage, consumer panic and an administration that seems to be losing control of the situation. Whoever conceptualized and approved this “bright” idea must now be wondering how different the situation would have been had they left rice distribution to the usual market forces.

    Of course, those officials could always argue that the direct sales bypassed the profiteers who had made a bundle out of repacking government-subsidized rice and passing it off as more expensive commercial varieties. But who failed to check the racketeers in the first place?

    Unless the authorities launch mass arrests of rice profiteers, throw the book at them, get President Arroyo to lift her ill-advised moratorium on capital punishment and send them to their just desserts in the hereafter, we are afraid racketeers will have little incentive to cease and desist.

    As if that were not bad enough, the NFA is now mulling over raising the price of its rice from the currently affordable level of P18.25 per kilo—at a maximum of three kilos per buyer. NFA officials explained they have been incurring huge losses, which again begged a question: Do they real know what they’re doing?

    Of course, the NFA is losing money—that is its reason for being. The NFA is the agency through which our tax pesos are funneled into to support both farmers and consumers of the national staple, rice. Nobody expects the NFA to turn in a profit, but having said that, they should not squander our hard-earned money, too.

    Rice subsidies are like the proverbial tiger, you can get off only at grave risk of being devoured by the beast, which in this situation is an increasingly indignant consuming public edging closer and closer to panic.

    The NFA traces its beginnings to Namarco, an agency that distributed low-cost cereals and groceries at a time when the country was still recovering from the ravages of World War II. It later focused on the country’s two staples and evolved into the Rice and Corn Administration (RCA).

    Even then, evidence of racketeering would occasionally surface as the amounts at stake invariably made eyes pop. One of the most sensational crime stories in the pre-martial law era took place at an RCA warehouse in Paco, Manila, involving a double-cross in a crooked deal—so much for honor among thieves.

    Days after declaring martial rule in September 1972, then-President Ferdinand Marcos renamed RCA the National Grains Authority (NGA), whose single biggest achievement was to turn the Philippines into a net exporter of rice from 1977 to 1981. Later the NGA was reconstituted into the NFA, which the post-Edsa 1 authorities emasculated and directed to focus almost exclusively on rice procurement and importation.

    More recently, proposals have been put forward to further curtail the NFA’s activities—in response to globalization and as part of efforts to reduce the budgetary deficit. Several bills are now pending in Congress to achieve this goal, but little progress has been heard from them.

    The globalists tell us it makes eminent economic sense to cut subsidies, or even eliminate them altogether. Paradoxically, the countries of these proponents of universal laissez-faire do not practice what they preach. In Western Europe and the United States, the agricultural sector continues to enjoy multibillion-dollar subsidies. In Japan, farmers are handsomely paid by their government to continue planting rice—if only to preserve what is left of Japan’s quaint rice culture.

    In China, one of the reasons its labor costs are highly competitive is the fact that the state subsidizes the grain and cooking-oil purchases of its citizens. With the government taking care of a big chunk of their household budget, workers are willing to work longer, harder and for much less pay than their counterparts in South Korea, Thailand or even the Philippines. Besides, the adoption of “socialism with Chinese characteristics” has unleashed productive and commercial energies in the mainland, which has produced an economy of plenty that is now the envy of everybody else in Asia.

    NFA officials—along with their superiors in the Department of Agriculture—had better disabuse themselves of the possibility of reducing rice subsidies. Unless they want to see rioting in the streets, they had better grin and bear the increasingly heavy burden of supporting both rice farmers and rice consumers.

    The other day this paper reported on a Credit Suisse study that said the Philippine government can well afford the burden of subsidizing rice in these times of perceived rice shortage. Meanwhile, the United States has assured it is ready to support the rice-supply needs of its longtime ally, the Philippines.

    In thinking out loud about raising the price of government rice, NFA officials are apparently working under the delusion they are businessmen, wary of P&L ratios and focused on the bottom line. Well, they are not.

    NFA officials are civil servants whose sole mission is to make available rice cheap enough for poor Filipinos to buy. Theirs is a political, not a business, function.

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