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IT all
began with a segment news anchor Ricky Carandang did for
the February 19 edition of The Correspondents, a
public-affairs program of ABS-CBN. Programs like it
normally air well beyond the bedtime of most viewers,
thus, Carandang’s report created hardly a ripple. It
drew inspiration from an article that saw print in the
January edition of a London-based business magazine,
which had similarly gone largely unnoticed.
It was
only after Carandang posted a summary of the segment in
his blog days later that the report caught the eye of
certain interested quarters—notably opposition
politicians and civil-society types constantly on the
lookout for dirt on President Arroyo and her
administration.
Carandang’s report left several impressions: first,
Malacańang had entered into a secretive arrangement with
the Chinese who would be allowed to extract oil in the
disputed Spratlys in exchange for $8 billion in soft
loans, which could be a gold mine for unscrupulous
characters in the administration; second, the deal
involved only the Philippines and China; and, third, the
deal amounted to “treason.”
As fresh
ammunition for the President’s detractors, the
allegation of treason that supposedly marked the
so-called Joint Marine Seismic Undertaking (JMSU) was
quick to develop a life of its own. The timing was
uncanny.
The JMSU
issue erupted just when public interest had begun to
wane for the long-running Senate inquiry into the
national broadband network (NBN) contract. The NBN-ZTE
hearings opened up explosive accusations that angered
many Filipinos. However, the level of public
indignation—as reflected, some say magnified, by openly
hostile newspapers and networks—failed to reach the kind
of critical mass that in 1986 and 2001 climaxed in the
ouster of two sitting presidents.
Even the
interfaith rally of February 29—described as the first
time leftists, rightists and centrists, as well as
religious congregations, came together to openly condemn
Mrs. Arroyo—was unable to muster enough warm bodies to
compel the President to step down. Some people noted the
absence in the protest action of the military, which had
played pivotal roles in the two People Power uprisings.
The
Palace has evidently been able to keep the Armed Forces,
especially the high command, loyal to itself—for reasons
that only the top civilian and military officials may
know, besides their open declarations that they remain
loyal because they are constitutionalists. And so, the
NBN-ZTE scandal has thus far failed to excite the
soldiery, notwithstanding claims made by star witness
Rodolfo “Jun” Lozada Jr., that funds were diverted from
AFP and police housing projects for the purportedly
crooked telecommunications contract.
The
anti-GMA movement thus seems to have faced a quandary:
how to get the AFP and the National Police sufficiently
agitated for them to turn on their commander in chief.
The defenders of the Republic and the keepers of law and
order needed to have a reason compelling enough to make
them violate the chain of command. And what better way
is there to make the members of the armed services aim
their weapons at their commanders than to accuse them of
the most unspeakable crime: treason?
While we
grant that there are sincere critics of the JMSU who may
simply want to make sure we have not sold our territory
in exchange for dirty loans, or still can’t make their
way out of this latest complication and hence want
hearings conducted, it’s apparent that certain other
quarters made a conscious decision to pin this latest
offense on the President—as may be gleaned from
anonymous text messages flooding the country, calling on
soldiers and police to withdraw their oath of loyalty to
their allegedly treasonous commander in chief.
Unfortunately for Mrs. Arroyo’s foes, the charge had
tenuous basis in fact.
For one
thing, no attempt was made to conceal the JMSU from
public scrutiny. The agreement was actually signed at
the Palace in a ceremony in 2005 that was well attended,
not just by the officials of the countries concerned,
but also by members of the diplomatic corps and
media—including an ABS-CBN news crew.
Second,
the parties to the agreement included not just the
Philippines and China but also Vietnam, another claimant
to the Spratly Islands and a fellow member in the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, although a
foreign news magazine said Vietnam was included only
after it complained with
Manila
and Beijing about being left out. But that’s another
story.
Third,
if Mrs. Arroyo should be charged with treason over the
JMSU, then so should Pangasinan Rep. Jose de Venecia
Jr., former Energy Secretary Vincent Perez and other
officials. At the time of the agreement’s signing, JdV,
then-Speaker of the House of Representatives, was all
praises for what he—in typically effusive fashion—hailed
as a “win-win” solution, which it was. And while we’re
at this, how explain also the apparent flip-flop of
former Sen. Frank Drilon, as noted by Sen. Miriam
Santiago, i.e., that he saw nothing wrong with a very
similar scheme involving another foreign country, and
yet later took issue with the JMSU?
The JMSU
helped ease tensions in the
South China Sea over the Spratlys. That the deal managed to bring
together China and Vietnam, which had previously come to
blows over the disputed islets and other issues in the
not-too-distant past, was nothing less than a diplomatic
coup.
The
undertaking was actually signed by the CEOs of the
national oil companies of the
Philippines,
China and Vietnam. Signing for the Philippine National
Oil Co. (PNOC) was then-PNOC president Eduardo V.
Mańalac, whose expertise and integrity have never come
into question—until the Philippine Daily Inquirer
mistakenly dragged him into the NBN-ZTE brouhaha.
In an
article by this paper’s reporter Paul Anthony Isla,
Mańalac explained that the JMSU, far from being a
treasonous act, was part of the government’s effort to
ensure the country’s security of energy supply. He said
it “was a sincere effort on the part of three
governments to find common ground for cooperation
involving the South China Sea area; a desire to
materialize this effort in terms of a concrete
scientific study, the results of which could be of great
value in determining overall consequences for the
region; and a common determination to cement the
friendships formed by opening further discussions beyond
the JMSU.”
Above
all, the JMSU does not authorize the actual extraction
of oil and other minerals in the disputed islets.
Exploration and production would have to be the subjects
of other agreements—which now seem unlikely given the
relentless bid by certain quarters to vilify China and
its purported participation in crooked deals in the
Philippines.
If
treason needs to be attributed, consider attaching it to
those who have irresponsibly imperiled our traditionally
cordial relations with our neighbors and endangered
efforts to secure energy independence for the country. |