|
The
Catholic Church hierarchy, although divided, doesn’t
want President Arroyo to resign. But the bishops, in a
statement, asked her to make the necessary changes in
her administration to effectively deal with corruption.
In short: Do what you can to fix things while you still
have time. Or as prophets are wont to say: Repent now as
the Second Coming nears. Perhaps the bishops are right,
and their position deserving of public support.
Political history shows us that in the last 22 years not
much has changed: That administrations have come and
gone, but corruption remains the same. All presidents
after the 21-year reign of Ferdinand Marcos—Cory Aquino,
Fidel Ramos, Joseph Estrada and Gloria Arroyo—have had
their share of scandals. Not one was spared from the
charge of corruption, cronyism and protection of certain
business interests.
Perhaps
to the Catholic bishops—or at least those who have been
in positions of influence long enough to remember the
public struggle against the martial- law regime and its
culmination in a publicly supported military-led
uprising in 1986—there is clear realization that
personality is not the issue, and that change should be
institutional. It’s now time to change the chair, not
just the person sitting on it.
Simply
put, an Arroyo resignation now will not necessarily make
things better for the country and the people. On the
contrary, such development may even result in a
political free-for-all, with competing interests all
jockeying for positions of power, and this can lead to
anarchy and chaos, more poverty, desperation, and a
moral downspin.
For
unless the political structure undergoes a drastic and
revolutionary change, any sitting president can easily
be corrupted by power, and that the legislature and
local governments will continue to practice the politics
of personality and patronage—the politics of social and
economic failure. And clearly, the bishops realize that
true, sincere, and honest political cleansing will not
happen without bloodshed.
Lifting
EO 464 is a step in the right direction. Compelling
government executives to shed light on current scandals
and controversies is the start of a long and grueling
process of presenting to the public more plausible
versions of the truth—as told by people truly in the
know or truly involved, and not just by people who were
told the same things or who were motivated by greed,
ambition or revenge.
While
institutional change is difficult and will take
generations to accomplish, there are three steps that
can be done in the immediate, particularly by the
government: enact laws to reform election finance,
strictly enforce the constitutional prohibition on
political dynasties and give life to the constitutional
provision on right to information.
The real
culprit is the lack of transparency and accountability
in governance. And these three initiatives, which can
all be done immediately by Congress and Malacañang, can
go a long way in addressing public concern over
corruption and abuse of power. If effective systems of
check and balance are put in place, then regardless of
personalities, all government officials and their
actions can be subject to a “sunlight” test. And only
actions that can stand such test can be considered truly
aboveboard.
For
instance, a senatorial candidate openly admits taking
campaign money from Big Tobacco and properly accounts
for such financial support. The candidate even goes to
the extent of admitting, and properly reflecting in his
statement of assets and liabilities, that part of the
money which was used to defray some of his personal
expenses. As long as there is clear accountability
within the bounds of the law, then one can suppose that
restrictions may not be necessary.
Also, it
is with such transparency and accountability that people
can make an informed choice during senatorial elections.
Moreover, assuming that the public can legally accept
such circumstances of their electoral candidates, then
it will not be surprising later on if the good senator
will legislate according to his financing. In that
sense, there will be predictability in his actions in
the Senate. He can then be censured if he transgresses
the boundaries of public interest as he protects his
benefactors’ financial interest.
Also,
electoral finance reforms will be more effective if the
good senator will also be later precluded from offering
his wife, son, or daughter for public office—either in
the Executive or the Legislative branch, or even in
local governments.
Obviously, these areas of reform are far easier said
than done. The constitutional prohibition on political
dynasties has been in the Constitution since 1987, and
yet Congress has not found it in its heart to do the
right thing and pass an enabling law. And there have
been attempts to legislate electoral finance reforms,
yet little progress has been made so far.
While
she still has time, perhaps President Arroyo, with the
support of Speaker Nograles, can make these reforms a
reality before she steps down in 2010, if only to help
put things in order, finally. Perhaps it can even help
erase the legacy of corruption scandals she is bound to
leave behind. But she needs to act fast, before a
frustrated public turns into a frenzied mob and goes
after her like she was Marie Antoinette.
Comments to matort@yahoo.com |